Benefits Policy-Create a benefits policy that encompasses the scope of benefits and a brief administrative section to address how benefits will be administered in your organization

Benefits Policy
Please respond to the following:

Create a benefits policy that encompasses the scope of benefits and a brief administrative section to address how benefits will be administered in your organization.
Include a section on the roles necessary to carry out the policy within the organization.
If you were to become an expert in the field of benefits strategy, describe how you would acquaint yourself with the availability of new types of flexible benefits.
Over the years, new employee benefits have become common, and it is important to stay abreast of them so that employee benefits can be refreshed
Provide your rationale and expected learning outcomes as you pursue this information.

February 21, 2018

Racial Identity-Although Cross (1978) conceptualized the inter- nalization-commitment stage as a separate stage, he concedes that it is difficult to figure out where it fits in the general model, because ostensibly similar behavioral styles may accompany the immersion-emersion stage as well. In our own work, we have chosen not to oper- ationalize the fifth stage because it seems to confound general styles (e.g., assertiveness or gregariousness) with racial identity in a way that we have been unable to separat

Article Summary Table – Racial Identity

Journal of Counseling Psychology 1985, Vol. 32, No. 3,43H40
Copyright 1985 by the American Psychological Association. Inc. 0022-0167/85/$00.75
Relation of Racial Identity Attitudes to Self-Actualization and Affective States of Black Students
Thomas A. Parham Southern Illinois University—Carbondale
Janet E. Helms University of Maryland
The relation between racial identity attitudes derived from Cross’s (1971) model of psychological nigrescence, or black self-actualization, and various af- fective states hypothesized to be relevant to the racial identification process were investigated through multiple regression analysis. Subjects were 166 black university students. Both prowhite-antiblack (preencounter) and problack-antiwhite (immersion) attitudes were associated with greater per- sonal distress as indicated by negative relations between these attitudes and mentally healthy self-actualizing tendencies and by positive relations to feel- ings of inferiority, anxiety, and hostility. Awakening black identity (encoun- ter attitudes) was positively related to self-actualization tendencies and nega- tively related to feelings of inferiority and anxiety. The possibility that cogni- tive and affective components of racial identity attitudes may evolve via dif- ferent models is explored. Implications for future research and recommenda- tions for delivery of psychological services to black populations are discussed.
Studies of how black people are affected by the counseling process have generally focused on counselor characteristics or per- ceptions of the counselor and the counseling relationship (see Atkinson, 1983, and Sattler, 1977, for detailed reviews of such studies). Missing has been sufficient consideration to culture-specific diagnostic issues such as how the condition of being black in a predomi- nantly white environment influences the personality development and psychological adjustment of black persons. In fact, most previous attempts to identify personality characteristics and symptoms of black clients either have been based on theories of white adjustment or have merely compared black people’s scores with whites’ scores on some standard personality inventories that have included few, if any, blacks in the standardization samples (Gynther, 1972; Snowden & Todman, 1982). The end result of such procedures, as Gardner (1971) and Smith (1977) have pointed out, is that blacks
This research was part of the doctoral dissertation of the first author, supervised hy the second author. Appreciation is extended to Michael T. Brown, Rod McDavis, and Amen Rahh for their help in conducting this research and to Josephine Shaffer for her help in preparing the manuscript.
Requests for reprints should be sent to Thomas A. Parham, who is now at the Career Planning and Place- ment Center, University of California, Irvine, California 92717.
have been negatively stereotyped in a man- ner that cannot be of much use for adminis- tering effective counseling interventions.
Cross (1971) has proposed a model of ra- cial identity that appears to be more relevant to the psychological life experiences of black people than more traditional theories and that might prove to be a useful system on which to base counseling interventions. In his model, a description of how a person converts from Negro to black (the “Negro- to-Black conversion experience”), he pro- posed the existence of five distinct psycho- logical stages. Each of the proposed stages is characterized by different racial identity attitudes, each of which is allegedly charac- terized by distinctive cognitive, conative, and affective elements.
The five stages, as proposed by Cross (1971), are preencounter, encounter, im- mersion-emersion, internalization, and in- ternalization-commitment.1 In the preen- counter stage, a person is programmed to
1 Although Cross (1978) conceptualized the inter- nalization-commitment stage as a separate stage, he concedes that it is difficult to figure out where it fits in the general model, because ostensibly similar behavioral styles may accompany the immersion-emersion stage as well. In our own work, we have chosen not to oper- ationalize the fifth stage because it seems to confound general styles (e.g., assertiveness or gregariousness) with racial identity in a way that we have been unable to separate.
431

432 THOMAS A. PARHAM AND JANET E. HELMS
view and think of the world from a Euro- American frame of reference as he or she thinks, acts, and behaves in ways that de- value blackness and idealize whiteness. In the second stage, encounter, the person be- gins to abandon his or her old world view as a consequence of a startling personal or so- cial event. In the third stage, immersion- emersion, the person idealizes blackness, although the degree of internalization of positive attitudes about one’s own blackness is minimal. The person immerses himself or herself in black experiences (e.g., joins political groups or attends seminars that focus on blacks). In addition to the general orientation that everything of value must be black or relevant to blackness, the immer- sion-emersion stage is also characterized by a tendency to denigrate whites. In the fourth stage, internalization, the person achieves a feeling of inner security with his or her blackness because the person has in- corporated aspects of the immersion-emer- sion experience into his or her self-concept. Ideological flexibility and a general decline in strong antiwhite feelings also typify the internalization stage. The fifth stage, in- ternalization-commitment, is characterized as one in which the person continues to ex- press her or his black identity by means of continued political involvement for the sake of the group.
Cross (1971, 1978) advised that the con- version model should be considered a de- scription of the Afro-American process of self-actualization under conditions of op- pression. He further postulated that per- sons engaged in the nigrescence, or self- actualization, process were likely to experi- ence a wide range of affective states that would parallel their stage of development. Accordingly, self-actualization and feelings of self-acceptance were preceded by feelings of inferiority, shame, guilt, and rage, as well as feelings of black pride. In adapting the Cross model to pertain specifically to the dynamics of counseling clients, Butler (1975) concluded that clients in the preencounter stage would exhibit a poor self-concept and would be self-deprecating and perhaps ap- athetic and uninvolved. Encounter clients were hypothesized to have a positive self- image accompanied by feelings of guilt, confusion, and anxiety; immersion-emersion
clients were expected to experience guilt and rage; and clients in the internalization stage were assumed to have transcended emo- tional reactions to their racial identity except for generally positive self-regard and self- acceptance.
Although various authors (Butler, 1975; Jackson, 1977; Parham & Helms, 1981) have theorized that knowledge about a client’s racial identity and corresponding affective states would improve the counselor’s arma- mentarium of interventions, no study to date has demonstrated an empirical relation be- tween racial identity and particular affective states. Therefore, the general purpose of the present investigation was to study the relation between racial identity and affective states hypothesized by Cross (1971, 1978) and Butler (1975) to be indicative of the identification process.
In adapting the Cross (1971,1978) model to study counseling variables, Parham and Helms (1981) have pointed out that at- tempts to classify people into a single stage on the basis of their highest racial identity attitudes presume a model comprising dis- crete rather than continuous stages. How- ever, a discrete attitudinal model is likely to provide misleading information about racial identity attitudes because only the people who are at the peak of a particular stage can be classified under such a model, even though people with lower levels of measured attitudes actually might be further along the developmental continuum, if they have al- ready experienced the stage or are in the process of entering a new stage. Further- more, because, according to theory, certain of the racial identity attitudes (e.g., immer- sion and internalization) appear to be addi- tive to some extent, then placing people in single categories causes one to ignore vari- ance associated with the different types of attitudes that an individual might hold si- multaneously and that could be important for predictive purposes. Therefore, Parham and Helms recommended that a more effi- cient use of racial identity attitudes associ- ated with Cross’s stages is to consider them to be types of attitudes that one might pos- sess, with the strength of each type of atti- tude possibly varying across individuals. Such a perspective implies that regression models in which each type of attitude is

BLACK STUDENTS’ RACIAL IDENTITY 433
taken into account for each subject, might offer more sensitive strategies for investi- gating relations between racial identity at- titudes and other personality constructs than would qualitative methods in which people are classified into single stages.
Thus, in the present study, multiple re- gression analyses were used to investigate the relation between black students’ racial identity attitudes, self-actualizing tenden- cies, and various affective states. With re- gard to self-actualizing tendencies (i.e., time competence and inner-directed support), it was hypothesized that (a) preencounter at- titudes would be negatively associated with these tendencies and (b) encounter, im- mersion, and internalization attitudes would be positively associated with such tenden- cies. In exploring the relation between ra- cial identity attitudes and affective states, it was hypothesized that (c) feelings of infe- riority (interpersonal sensitivity) would be positively associated with preencounter at- titudes, (d) feelings of anxiety or obsessive- ness would be positively associated with encounter attitudes, (e) feelings of anger would be positively associated with immer- sion-emersion attitudes, and (f) feelings of self-acceptance would be positively associ- ated with internalization attitudes.
Method
Subjects
Subjects were 166 (65 male and 101 female) black college students enrolled in four predominantly white universities, one each in the eastern and midwestern United States and two on the west coast. Ages for the entire sample ranged from 17 to 25 years, with the av- erage age ranging from 19 to 20 years. Subjects’ self- reported socioeconomic status ranged from the lower to the upper middle class, with 51% of the sample indi- cating that they were in the middle class. Because of the difficulty in attracting black subjects and because of the need to acquire subjects with a variety of atti- tudes, both introductory psychology courses and black studies courses were used to solicit subjects. No in- centives for participation were offered to any of the subjects regardless of their location.
Instruments
The instruments used in this study were (a) the Personal Orientation Inventory, (b) the Racial Identity Attitude Scale, (c) the Symptom-90 Checklist, and (d) a personal data information sheet.
Personal Orientation Inventory (POI). The POI (Shostrom, 1963) is a multiple scale instrument de- signed to measure an individual’s degree of self-actu- alization or positive mental health and was used in the present study because of its emphasis on health rather than illness. The POI consists of 150 items to which subjects respond by marking true or false; subjects’ scores for each of 12 scales are calculated by summing the true responses for appropriately keyed items.
Three scales from the POI were used, the two basic personal orientation scales, Inner Directed (127 items) and Time Competence (23 items), and the Self-Accep- tance Scale (26 items). The Inner Directed Scale as- sesses whether a person’s reactions are self or other oriented. High scores indicate a reliance on self. The Time Competence Scale assesses the degree to which an individual lives in the past, present, or future; high scores indicate an integration of past and future, which permits the individual to be content in the here and now. The Self-Acceptance Scale measures the person’s level of self-acceptance or affirmation in spite of ac- knowledged weaknesses or deficiencies. Overall level of self-actualization can be inferred from the Inner Directed and Time Competence scales. Although Shostrom (1963) reported no internal consistency data for the three scales, Klavetter and Mogar (1967) re- ported test-retest coefficients of .71, .77, and .77 for the Time Competence, Inner Directed, and Self-Acceptance scales, respectively.
Validity data reported by Shostrom (1963) indicate that the POI significantly discriminated between groups who were judged by clinical psychologists to be self- actualizing or non-self-actualizing. Knapp (1965), in a study of the diagnostic usefulness of the POI, found it to be effective in differentiating between a self- actualized group and a group with high scores on a neuroticism scale.
Racial Identity Attitude Scale. The Racial Identity Attitude Scale is a 30-item scale that was developed by Parham and Helms (1981) to measure attitudes asso- ciated with the various stages of black identity devel- opment as described in Cross’s (1971) model of psy- chological nigrescence. The scale was adapted from Hall, Cross, and Freedle’s (1972) Q-sort items, which were designed to assess attitudes and behaviors char- acteristic of the various stages of racial identity. Re- spondents used a 5-point Likert scale (1 = strongly disagree, 5 — strongly agree) to indicate the extent to which each item was descriptive of them. Scores for each of the four aubscales (Preencounter, Encounter, Immersion-Emersion, and Internalization) were ob- tained by summing the responses to the items keyed to a particular subscale and dividing by the number of items in the subscale to maintain the scale metric. Thus, scores for each subscale could range from 1 to 5, with higher scores indicating higher levels of a given attitude. Parham and Helms reported the following internal consistency reliability coefficients for the four subscales: Preencounter, .67; Encounter, .72; Immer- sion-Emersion, .66; and Internalization, .71. They also reported some evidence of the construct validity of the Racial Identity Attitude Scale in their finding that racial identity attitudes predicted subjects’ preference for the race of their counselor.
Symptom-90 Checklist (SCL-90). The SCL-90 (Derogatis, Rickels, & Rock, 1976) is a self-report in-

434 THOMAS A. PARHAM AND JANET E. HELMS
Table 1 Summary °f Regression Analyses Using Racial Identity Attitudes to Predict Dependent Measures
Racial identity attitude
Dependent
measures

February 21, 2018

The Generalizability of the MMRI to Other Groups

The Generalizability of the MMRI to Other Groups
The extent to which the MMRI can serve as a meta- framework for examining other group identities (such as ethnicity and gender) is open to debate. Because the MMRI integrates ideas from the mainstream approach, certain aspects of the model may be applicable to other group identities. In particular, the structure and the processes of group identity may be similar across groups. For example, much of the mainstream literature has reported evidence of the existence of identity sali- ence and centrality for identities other than African American racial identity (e.g., Cota & Dion, 1986; Luhtanen & Crocker, 1992; Markus & Nurius, 1986; McCrae & Costa, 1988; McGuire et al., 1978). Salience and centrality appear to be general cognitive processes that are not confined to any one identity. Thus, in a fairly gender-ambiguous situation, we would predict that gen- der is likely to be more salient for a woman for whom gender is a highly central aspect of her identity than for a woman for whom gender is less central. However, the qualitative meaning of these identities are likely to differ according to the historical experiences associated with the group.
Thus, it is imperative that any application of the MMRI to other groups only be done after a careful assessment of the model’s compatibility with the his- torical and cultural experiences of the group in question. The four ideologies delineated by the MMRI are based specifically on our extensive study of the unique cul- tural and historical experiences of African Americans. Although the issues of assimilation and nationalism are relevant to other ethnic groups, there is a qualitative difference in the historical significance that these vari- ous philosophies have for different ethnic groups. For instance, there may be less tension around issues of assimilation for ethnic groups who have migrated to the United States looking for a better life as opposed to those who had American culture forced on them. Also, there may be group differences in the way that various ideologies are interrelated for various groups. There may be unique ideological profiles for African Ameri- cans based on their experiences. Similarly, the interre- lation between the dimensions and other aspects of the self may also differ across groups as a result of the qualitative differences in the experiences of the groups. Rowley et al. (in press) have found evidence that the relation between public regard and personal self-esteem does not seem to be important for African Americans, while research with other ethnic groups suggests that such a relation is important (Crocker et al., 1994).
Conclusions
The MMRI is an integration of the mainstream and underground approaches. The MMRI has borrowed
ideas from the mainstream perspective (e.g., concerning the role of racial identity in the context of other identi- ties within the self-concept) and merged them with the underground approach’s emphasis on the qualitative meaning of being Black. As a result, the MMRI is both “prescriptive” in proposing hypotheses for potential research questions regarding the structure and dynam- ics of racial identity in the self-concepts of African Americans and “descriptive” in proposing relevant di- mensions in which to illustrate the complexity and variability that African Americans ascribe to being Black. It also has the potential to serve as a conceptual framework that could be adapted with care to the study of other group identities. In sum, the MMRI provides a vehicle for addressing new questions regarding African American racial identity that can contribute signifi- cantly to both the underground and mainstream ap- proaches.
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Milliones, J. (1980). Construction of a black consciousness measure: Psychotherapeutic implications. Psychotherapy: Theory, Re- search, and Practice, 17, 175-182.
Nobles, W. A. (1991). African philosophy: Foundations for black psychology. In R. L. Jones (Ed.), Black Psychology (3rd ed., pp. 47-63). Berkeley, CA: Cobb and Henry Publishers.
Nunnally, J. C., & Bernstein, I. H. (1994). Psychometric theory (3rd ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill.
Oakes, P. J., Haslam, S. A., & Turner, J. C. (1994). Stereotyping and social reality. Cambridge, MA: Basil Blackwell.
Oyserman, D., Gant, L., & Ager, J. (1995). A socially contextualized model of African American identity: Possible selves and school persistence. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 69, 1216-1232.
Parham, T. A. (1989). Cycles of psychological nigrescence. The Counseling Psychologist, 17, 187-226.
Parham, T. A., & Helms, J. E. (1981). The influences of a black students’ racial identity attitudes on preference for counselor’s race. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 28, 250-256.
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Stryker, S., & Serpe, R. T. (1982). Commitment, identity salience and role behavior. In W. Ickes & E. Knowles (Eds.), Personality, roles, and social behavior (pp. 199-218). New York: Springer-Verlag.
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Appendix: The Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity
Centrality Scale’
1. Overall, being Black has very little to do with how I feel about myself. (R)
2. In general, being Black is an important part of my self-image.
3. My destiny is tied to the destiny of other Black people.
4. Being Black is unimportant to my sense of what kind of person I am. (R)
5. I have a strong sense of belonging to Black people.
6. I have a strong attachment to other Black peo- ple.
7. Being Black is an important reflection of who I am.
8. Being Black is not a major factor in my social relationships. (R)
Regard Scalea
Private Regard Subscale
1. I feel good about Black people. 2. I am happy that I am Black. 3. I feel that Blacks have made major accomplish-
ments and advancements. 4. I often regret that I am Black. (R)
5. 6.
I am proud to be Black. I feel that the Black community has made valu- able contributions to this society.
Public Regard Subscale
1. Overall, Blacks are considered good by others. 2. In general, others respect Black people. 3. Most people consider Blacks, on the average, to
be more ineffective than other racial groups. (R) 4. Blacks are not respected by the broader society.
(R) 5. In general, other groups view Blacks in a posi-
tive manner. 6. Society views Black people as an asset.
a(R) items should be reverse coded.
Ideology Scale
Assimilation Subscale
1. Blacks who espouse separatism are as racist as White people who also espouse separatism.
2. A sign of progress is that Blacks are in the mainstream of America more than ever before.
3. Because America is predominantly White, it is important that Blacks go to White schools so that they can gain experience interacting with Whites.
4. Blacks should strive to be full members of the American political system.
5. Blacks should try to work within the system to achieve their political and economic goals.
6. Blacks should strive to integrate all institutions which are segregated.
7. Blacks should feel free to interact socially with White people.
8. Blacks should view themselves as being Ameri- cans first and foremost.
9. The plight of Blacks in America will improve only when Blacks are in important positions within the system.
Humanist Subscale
1. Black values should not be inconsistent with human values.
2. Blacks should have the choice to marry interra- cially.
3. Blacks and Whites have more commonalties than differences.
4. Black people should not consider race when buying art or selecting a book to read.
38

AFRICAN AMERICAN RACIAL IDENTITY
5. Blacks would be better off if they were more concerned with the problems facing all people than just focusing on Black issues.
6. Being an individual is more important than identifying oneself as Black.
7. We are all children of a higher being, therefore, we should love people of all races.
8. Blacks should judge Whites as individuals and not as members of the White race.
9. People regardless of their race have strengths and limitations.
Oppressed Minority Subscale
1. The same forces which have led to the oppres- sion of Blacks have also led to the oppression of other groups.
2. The struggle for Black liberation in America should be closely related to the struggle of other oppressed groups.
3. Blacks should learn about the oppression of other groups.
4. Black people should treat other oppressed peo- ple as allies.
5. The racism Blacks have experienced is similar to that of other minority groups.
6. There are other people who experience racial injustice and indignities similar to Black Ameri- cans.
7. Blacks will be more successful in achieving their goals if they form coalitions with other oppressed groups.
8. Blacks should try to become friends with people from other oppressed groups.
9. The dominant society devalues anything not White male oriented.
Nationalist Subscale
1. It is important for Black people to surround their children with Black art, music and literature.
2. Black people should not marry interracially. 3. Blacks would be better off if they adopted Afro-
centric values. 4. Black students are better off going to schools
that are controlled and organized by Blacks. 5. Black people must organize themselves into a
separate Black political force. 6. Whenever possible, Blacks should buy from
other Black businesses. 7. A thorough knowledge of Black history is very
important for Blacks today. 8. Blacks and Whites can never live in true har-
mony because of racial differences. 9. White people can never be trusted where Blacks
are concerned.
Note: Response scale ranges from 1 (Strongly Dis- agree) to 7 (Strongly Agree).
39

February 21, 2018

AFRICAN AMERICAN RACIAL IDENTITY

identities within an individual’s self-concept interact and affect his or her experiences. Too often racial identity is studied within a vacuum. Racial identity is likely to interact with other identities within the self- concept in such a way as to change its meaning for the person. For instance, it is quite possible that African American women’s racial ideology may vary according to the ideologies associated with their gender identity. There may even be gender differences in racial ideology as a result of differences in the meaning of gender for African American men and women. These are testable research questions within the framework of the MMRI.

Another contribution of the MMRI is in the way it addresses what constitutes the optimal racial identity. The underground perspective has argued that the indi- vidual’s perceptions with regard to the meaning of being African American are a function of both the person’s unique culture and his or her experiences as a member of an oppressed group (e.g., Akbar, 1984; Cross, 1991; Kambon, 1992; Milliones, 1980; Nobles, 1991). As a result, underground models have tended to employ methodologies that are sensitive to the individ- ual differences in African American identity. How- ever, in describing the diversity of the meaning of being African American, most theorists and re- searchers have attempted to define what constitutes the optimum African American racial identity. Unfortu- nately, many of these definitions of the optimum iden- tity are based on untested and/or untestable assump- tions and criteria (Sellers, 1993). In some instances, the criteria used to determine the optimum identity are so confounded with the measures of identity themselves that the model itself becomes hopelessly unfalsifiable (e.g., Kambon, 1992).

In our conceptualization of racial identity, we do not propose any hierarchy with respect to the inherent value of any particular ideology. Any evaluation of the func- tionality of a particular ideology differs according to which criterion is used to define functionality. For example, a person who values the survival of African American culture as a unique and separate way of life may be more likely to see a nationalist ideology as being optimal. On the other hand, a person who values the acceptance of African Americans by the broader American society may view an assimilationist ideology as being optimal. Even if consensus existed on a crite- rion (such as psychological well-being) to be used to determine an optimal ideology, it is likely that such a definition would have to be environmentally specific. Different environments are likely to be more hospitable for different racial ideologies which may, in turn, con- tribute to different levels of well-being. For instance, a nationalist ideology is probably more likely to be asso- ciated with positive well-being in an all-African Ameri- can environment than in an all-White environment. In any event, our conceptualization of ideology allows researchers to test such a hypothesis.

The MMRI also has the potential to contribute to the extensive literature on stereotyping. It has been noted that the stereotype literature has tended to focus on those who hold stereotypes with relatively little atten- tion being paid to the effects of such stereotypes on the stigmatized group (Devine, Evett, & Vasquez-Suson, 1996). Recently, Steele and his colleagues have pro- posed a model of stereotype threat which suggests that members of a stigmatized group are vulnerable to per- formance deficits in tasks for which their group is stereotyped as being inferior (Steele, 1997; Steele & Aronson, 1995). Steele and Aronson (1995) have re- ported evidence that African American college students performed poorer on a reading comprehension task when their race was made salient to them. They suggest that it does not matter whether the person believes the stereotype; what is important is that the person knows that the stereotype exists. In their description of stereo- type threat, Steele and Aronson do not discuss whether all African Americans would be susceptible or what factors might lead to individual differences to vulner- ability to the effect. The MMRI suggests that the mean- ing and significance that the individual places on race may moderate the stereotype threat effect. In particular, individuals who are more race central may need fewer race cues in the environment for race to become more salient during a particular task. As a result, they may be more susceptible to such an effect. However, this effect may also be moderated by the extent to which the individual believes that other groups hold those nega- tive stereotypes about the group (public regard). A person who does not believe that others hold such stereotypes may be less vulnerable to the effect. Finally, it is still an open question as to whether a person’s own beliefs about whether African Americans are less capa- ble on a task will influence the stereotype threat effect. In sum, the MMRI has the potential to further explicate person characteristics which may result in greater dif- ferentiation in the impact of stereotype threat on the performance of African Americans.

Perhaps the most important contribution of the MMRI is that it delineates a process by which racial identity may influence behavior at the level of the event through its conceptualization of racial identity. This issue is one that has been overlooked by both the mainstream and the underground literatures. Previously racial identity has been linked primarily to trans-situ- ational phenomena (e.g., self-esteem, GPA). While such studies have provided useful information regard- ing what outcomes racial identity is related to, these studies have been unable to delineate how racial identity is related to these outcomes. Because trans-situational phenomena are comprised of a number of individual events, one must be able to examine racial identity at the level of the specific situation. Without a process variable such as salience, one is forced to assume that all individuals in the situation will have the same level

SELLERS, SMITH, SHELTON, ROWLEY, & CHAVOUS

of race salience in the situation. Such an assumption is only tenable during events where the situational cues are so strong that they overpower any individual differ- ences in centrality (e.g., Klu Klux Klan meeting). How- ever, the vast majority of events are ones in which there is some ambiguity with respect to the situational cues that are present. In such situations, we expect individual differences in levels of race salience. The concept of salience allows us to account for that individual differ- ence in our assessment of behavior. As a result, we are able to make more precise predictions and account for a greater amount of the variance in our measurement models of the relation between racial identity and be- havior at the level of the event.

Racial Identity Versus Identity of Racial Groups

Recently, a number of mainstream researchers also have begun to explore the content of the identities of members of ethnic minority groups (Deaux, 1993; Ethier & Deaux, 1990, 1994; Gurin, Hurtado, & Peng, 1994; Oyserman, Gant, & Ager, 1995). This research suggests that ethnic minorities have rich-i sophisticated notions of self that are not homogenous. Identity in ethnic minority members is influenced by their social context (Deaux, 1993; Oyserman et al., 1995), as well as other social structures such as nativity (Gurin et al., 1994), to produce unique conceptualizations of the self. For instance, Gurin and her colleagues examined the differences in the way in which a sample of Mexi- cano and a sample of Chicano respondents described themselves as individuals. They define Mexicanos as Spanish-dominant persons born in Mexico and Chica- nos as English-dominant persons born in the United States. The respondents chose all the cards that de- scribed them from a set of 32 cards with labels covering a variety of ethnic, familial, cultural, class, and color terms. Using confirmatory factor analysis, Gurin et al. (1994) found that Chicanos demonstrated more differ- entiated identities (greater number of factors) than the Mexicanos. The content of the Chicano identities con- sisted of such factors as Farmworker, Working Class, U.S./Middle Class, Binational, Latino, Political Raza, and Family, while the content of the Mexicanos con- sisted of such factors as Working Class, Middle Class, Binational, Panraza, and Family Cultural Identifica- tion.

However, there is an important distinction between this research and the underground approach to under- standing racial identity in African Americans. The former research has focused on the content of identities of individuals who are members of particular ethnic and racial groups. Findings from these studies provide information about the way that individuals in particular ethnic and racial groups construct their own personal

self-concepts with their race and/or ethnicity as a back- drop. As such, this approach takes into consideration not only membership in their ethnic group, but other group and personal identities that are central to the way that each individual views him or herself (e.g., class, family). Thus, the focus of this work is on the “self-con- cepts” of members of particular ethnic and racial groups.

In contrast, researchers within the underground approach have tended to focus more on the meaning of being a member of a particular group-Blacks. The individual’s identification with his or her mem- bership in the Black group is the only group identity that is relevant. In most instances, the researchers provide an a priori definition of what it means to be Black and the individual’s level of racial identity is assessed according to that definition. Other group and personal identities that the individual may pos- sess are not seen as particularly relevant. This is, in part, because many of the underground approaches to Black identity implicitly assert that a strong identifi- cation with race is a necessary part of a healthy Black identity and that the emphasis of another group iden- tity over one’s racial group is unhealthy (Baldwin, 1984). Thus, the underground approach to studying racial identity is concerned solely with that aspect of African Americans’ self-concept that is associated with their race.

The conceptualization of the MMRI is more consis- tent with the tradition of the underground approach. The MMRI is concerned with African Americans’ attitudes and beliefs associated with their membership in the Black racial group. The MMRI does not address di- rectly the content of African Americans’ self-concept outside of the significance and meaning the individual attaches to being Black. This does not mean that the MMRI is incompatible with a more multidetermined view of the African American self-concept. On the contrary, we believe that African Americans’ beliefs about what it means to be Black can play a significant role in shaping their self-concepts if they view race as a defining characteristic (Rowley et al., in press). Whereas research such as that produced by Gurin and her colleagues (Gurin et al., 1994) take a macro view of the various identity components found in the self-con- cepts of members of ethnic groups, the MMRI repre- sents a micro view of a particular identity component within the self-concept of African Americans. Thus, research on the content of the self-concept of African Americans can provide breadth to our understanding of what identity components play a role in the self-con- cepts of African Americans, while research from the underground perspective (including the MMRI) can provide important information about the depth of a particular identity dimension. Both are needed for a comprehensive, textured, and layered understanding of the self-concepts of African Americans.

February 21, 2018

Psychosocial Crises in Middle Adulthood

counselling

Psychosocial Crises in Middle Adulthood
The purpose of this discussion is to help you prepare for your assignment in this unit. In your discussion post, you have the opportunity to think through how people might be affected by some of the psychosocial issues of middle adulthood.
Chapter 12 of your Development Through Life text outlines developmental tasks of middle adulthood, such as career management and change, nurturing of intimate relationships, and the expansion of relationships and management of a household. Consider that the primary psychosocial crisis of middle adulthood is generativity versus stagnation. Think about someone you know well who is currently in this stage of life. Draw upon your Development Through Life text (specifically Chapter 12) to complete the following:
· What kinds of changes have you seen in this individual’s behavior since he or she has been in this developmental stage?
· What are some ways in which situational and environmental factors might be impacting how this person deals with the psychosocial crisis of generativity versus stagnation?
· Please remember to cite and reference your sources in APA style.
Note: Please maintain the confidentiality of the identity of the person about whom you are writing, including by not providing this person’s name or relationship to you.
Response Guidelines
Read the initial posts of your peers, and respond to at least one in detail. Based on the details that your peer has provided, to what extent do you agree that the behavior described is indicative of this developmental stage? Pose one question to your peer about some other aspect that you might expect to see in the individual involved. Note that continuing this discussion through additional responses can be particularly helpful in preparing for your assignment in this unit.
Resources
· Discussion Participation Scoring Guide.

February 21, 2018

Psychosocial Development Case Study Assessment

counselling

Psychosocial Development Case Study Assessment
Overview
The purpose of this assignment is to use what you have learned about lifespan theories, models of resilience, and psychosocial development to assess how well individuals and families are functioning in relation to all three of these areas. To address realistic situations without violating personal rights to privacy, you will view the movie My Big Fat Greek Wedding, or one of the other approved films for this assignment, in order to provide a case scenario.
If you have not yet viewed the movie, you need to do so to complete this assignment. Each movie represents characters in multiple life stages. Identify three characters moving through a different life stage and focus on details that will make your analysis applicable to your specialization.
Directions
For this assignment, imagine you are a counselor working with each of these three characters. Now, conduct the following analysis for each character:
· Identify the life stage he or she is in, along with the psychological crisis each is experiencing.
· Apply psychosocial developmental theory to the situation presented, from the perspective of a counselor:
. Conceptualize your ideas for the developmental tasks of each character selected, grounding your conceptualization in your own area of specialization.
. Include a discussion of the character’s life and factors that might affect behaviors, including cultural and other influences related to the stage of development assessed. To the extent that it is relevant for each character, include an analysis of interrelationships among work, family, and other life roles. Include an analysis of the impact of cultural influences, as well. Refer to specific actions and words of the characters in the movie as evidence for your analysis.
. Support your ideas with specific lifespan theories discussed in this course, citing and referencing your sources.
From a clinical perspective, assess how these three characters function as a family unit:
· Examine their functioning in relation to a model of resilience appropriate to your specialization, and evaluate their challenges and strengths related to wellness and resilience. As each character transitions to his or her next developmental stage, how will the transition impact the functioning of the family unit?
· Support your ideas with appropriate sources on the model of resilience you chose.
Use the document Unit 8 Assignment Template (given in the resources) to prepare and submit your report. Do not include a synopsis of the movie in your paper. Instead, follow the template. Focus on the three selected characters, and the realities of their functioning as a family unit and transitioning within the family unit, as described in the template. Then, provide your assessment of how well they are functioning in relation to your choice of a model of wellness and resilience, as described in the template. Your summary, at the end of the template, should provide a brief, focused review of the key insights in your assessment.
Review the scoring guide given in the resources to make sure you understand how this assignment will be graded.
Other Requirements
Your paper must meet the following requirements:
· Resources: Cite and reference at least three resources from the professional literature that you use as the basis of your ideas related to life span theory and resilience models.
· APA formatting: Resources and citations must be formatted according to current APA style.
· Font and Font size: Times New Roman, 12 point.
· Length of Paper: Doing a thorough job on this assignment is likely to require approximately 7–10 typed, double-spaced pages.
· Turnitin: You are required to submit your final version of this paper to Turnitin to generate a final report prior to submitting the assignment for grading. From the Turnitin tool, first submit to the draft link to check your work for any necessary edits. Once the paper is finalized and all edits have been made, submit your final paper to the Final report option for the assignment. Please be advised it can take up to a day to obtain the percentage from Turnitin. When your paper is downloaded and viewable in Turnitin, save the originality report. Refer to the Turnitin Tutorial: Viewing an Originality Report (linked in the Resources) for guidance.
1. Submit your assignment using the following file naming format: Your Name_AssignmentNumber_Assignment Title (example: Ima_Learner_u08a1_CaseStudyAssessment).
2. In the comment section, provide the percentage from the final Turnitin report (example: Final Turnitin percentage = 4%). Please be prepared to provide your faculty member with a copy of the Turnitin report should this be requested of you.
Resources
· Psychosocial Development Case Study Assessment Scoring Guide.
· APA Style and Format.

February 21, 2018

Challenges and solutions: Multicultural development in human services agenciesExamine the theoretical framework used in the study and assess its appropriateness for the selected research question.

In this assignment, you will evaluate the research methodologies used in a particular study to apply the knowledge you have gained in the course. This will be your opportunity to explore a research study in depth and gain a stronger understanding of both conducting the research and also reporting the outcome of that research.
Tasks:

Multicultural development in human services agencies: Challenges and solutions

Then, in a 5- to 6-page paper:

Evaluate the research methodologies used. In your evaluation, make sure that you:
- Examine the theoretical framework used in the study and assess its appropriateness for the selected research question.
- Evaluate the way in which the literature review portion of the text informed and supported the research.
- Analyze the instruments used in data collection and discuss how they were an appropriate selection to achieve the desired outcomes.
- Evaluate the results and conclusions drawn and discuss the extent to which they supported the research question.
- Evaluate the ethical considerations that the researchers kept in mind regarding multicultural diversity in data collection, analysis, and interpretation.

February 21, 2018

RELIGION: Creation theory- State the creation story that this religion uses to explain the creation of the universe

This chart contains all the research you need to write the final paper for this course. If you do the research and reading on the religion(s) we study each week, and if you give yourself a good guide to the religions using this chart, you will have a good foundation for that final paper. The more information you provide for yourself with this chart, the easier it will be to write your final paper. Do not forget to provide adequate material for any in-text citations and be sure to include a reference page as well.
RELIGION(S)
· State the name of the Religion being addressed in this chart.

Sikhism

ORIGIN OF ALL THINGS
· State the creation story that this religion uses to explain the creation of the universe. If you cannot identify a creation story for this religion, offer a suggestion as to why this religion may not have one.
· Back up your statement with explanation and/or example.

NATURE OF GOD/CREATOR
· State the nature of the god(s) worshiped by this religion. If you cannot identify a god (or gods) for this religion, offer a suggestion as to why this religion may not have one.
· Back up your statement with explanation and/or example.
· You should have a minimum of 3 complete sentences when this is complete.

VIEW OF HUMAN NATURE
· State how this religion views human beings.
· How are human beings viewed with regard to their characteristics and their place in the universe? If you cannot identify how this religion defines human beings, offer a suggestion as to why it doesn’t.
· Back up your statement with explanation and/or example.
· You should have a minimum of 3 complete sentences when this is complete.

VIEW OF GOOD & EVIL
· State how this religion defines the concept of good and evil.
· Most religions encourage their adherents to be good and to shun evil. How does this religion define these terms for those who practice this religion? If you cannot identify how this religion defines good and evil, offer a suggestion as to why it doesn’t.
· Back up your statement with explanation and/or example.
· You should have a minimum of 3 complete sentences when this is complete.

VIEW OF SALVATION
· All religions suggest that human beings are faced with a “problem” that needs to be overcome. What is the “problem” this religion identifies, and how does it suggest that we can overcome it? If you cannot identify how this religion defines the “problem,” or how to overcome it, offer a suggestion as to why it doesn’t.
· Back up your statement with explanation and/or example.
· You should have a minimum of 3 complete sentences when this is complete.

VIEW OF AFTERLIFE
· What does this religion teach about “what comes next” after all is said and done? For Eastern religions that teach reincarnation, this question is about what happens after moksha is attained. For Western religions, this question is about what happens when we die. If you cannot identify how this religion defines the afterlife, offer a suggestion as to why it doesn’t.
· Back up your statement with explanation and/or example.
· You should have a minimum of 3 complete sentences when this is complete.

PRACTICES AND RITUALS
· How do members of this religion “practice” their “faith?”
· What ceremonies, or rituals, do they use to help pass this religion on to the next generation? If you cannot identify how this religion is practiced, offer a suggestion as to why it doesn’t have any rituals or practices.
· Back up your statement with explanation and/or example.
· You should have a minimum of 3 complete sentences when this is complete.

CELEBRATIONS AND FESTIVALS
· Identify one or two celebrations and/or festivals that members of this religion use to express their beliefs in public, or in private.
· Name the festival(s) and give a short explanation of how it is observed. If you cannot identify any celebrations or festivals for this religion, offer a suggestion as to why it doesn’t have any.
· Back up your statement with explanation and/or example.
· You should have a minimum of 3 complete sentences when this is complete.

February 21, 2018

Article Summary Table – Racial Identity

Personality and Soc ial Psychology Review 1998, Vol. 2, No. 1, 18-39
CopyrightO 1998 by Lawrence Erlbaurn Associates, Inc.
Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity: A Reconceptualization of African American Racial Identity
Robert M. Sellers Department ofPsychology University ofMichigan
Mia A. Smith and J. Nicole Shelton Department ofPsychology
University of Virginia
Stephanie A. J. Rowley Department ofPsychology University ofNorth Carolina
Tabbye M. Chavous Department ofPsychology
University of Virginia
Research on African American racial identity has utilized 2 distinct approaches. The mainstream approach hasfocused on universal properties associated with ethnic and racial identities. In contrast, the underground approach hasfocused on documenting the qualitative meaning of being African American, with an emphasis on the unique cultural and historical experiences of African Americans. The Multidimensional Model ofRacial Identity (MMRI) represents a synthesis of the strengths of these two approaches. The underlying assumptions associated with the model are explored. The modelproposes 4 dimensions ofAfrican American racial identity: salience, centrality, regard, and ideology. A description of these dimensions is provided along with a discussion ofhow they interact to influence behavior at the level ofthe event. We argue that the MMRI has the potential to make contributions to traditional research objectives of both approaches, as well as to provide the impetus to explore new questions.
African Americans’ experiences in the United States differ significantly from those of members of other ethnic groups. Although many ethnic groups have ex- perienced discrimination and oppression in the United States, the form of oppression that African Americans have faced is unique. While the worthiness of other ethnic groups has often been questioned upon their arrival in American society, no other groups’ humanity was denied them by the U.S. Constitution. African Americans were defined legally as property by the United States government for almost a century. For nearly 100 years after the end of slavery, laws were enacted with the expressed purpose of making social contact between Whites and African Americans illegal. Such laws effectively relegated African Americans to the status of second-class citizens. Because they were brought to the United States against their will and
systematically deprived of access to their indigenous culture, African Americans were not afforded the choice of whether to assimilate into the new culture or retain their indigenous culture. As a result, traditional African culture has had to be grafted onto the cultural practices of the European/American society to form an original cultural expression. The African American celebration of Kwanza is a good example of this union.
As a result of their experiences with oppression in this society, the concept of race has historically played a major role in the lives of African Americans. Al- though race has dubious value as a scientific classifica- tion system, it has had real consequences for the life experiences and life opportunities of African Ameri- cans in the United States. Race is a socially constructed concept which is the defining characteristic for African American group membership. This does not deny the importance of both traditional African and African American culture in the phenomenon of racial identity in African Americans. However, American society’s somewhat arbitrary categorization of individuals into
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Requests for reprints should be sent to Robert M. Sellers, Depart- ment of Psychology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Ml 48109- 1109. E-mail: rsellers@umich.edu.

AFRICAN AMERICAN RACIAL IDENTITY
this racial group has resulted in the psychological uni- fication of many individuals who vary a great deal in their experiences and cultural expressions. The fact that the experiences of African Americans are heterogene- ous has resulted in variability in the significance and qualitative meaning that they attribute to being a mem- ber of the Black racial group. For instance, some indi- viduals place little significance on race in defining who they are, while others may see their racial membership as the defining characteristic of their self-concept. Even when individuals place similarly high levels of signifi- cance on race in defining themselves, they may differ a great deal in what they believe it means to be Black.’ One individual may believe that being Black means congregating among other Blacks, while another may believe being Black means that one should integrate with Whites. It is the significance and meaning that African Americans place on race in defining themselves
2that we refer to as racial identity. In this article, we introduce a new model of African
American racial identity-the Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity (MMRI). This model provides a conceptual framework for understanding both the sig- nificance of race in the self-concepts of African Ameri- cans and the qualitative meanings they attribute to being members of that racial category. Along with this con- ceptual framework, we propose a mechanism by which racial identity influences individuals’ situational ap- praisals and behaviors. Before presenting the model, we highlight the potential contributions of the MMRI and place it within its historical context by presenting a brief historical review of the way in which African American racial identity has been conceptualized and investigated in the psychological literature. Next, we discuss how contemporary researchers have begun to conceptualize ethnic identity to incorporate both the significance and the meaning of their ethnic group membership. We will then describe the four dimensions that comprise the
We purposefully make a distinction in our usage of the terms Black and African American. The term Black is used as an ambiguous category that may or may not be inclusive of all persons of African descent, depending upon the individual’s viewpoint. Some African Americans conceptualize the Black reference group as a group that is made up of African Americans only. Other African Americans may hold a more Pan-African view of the Black reference group, in which anyone of African descent is considered to be Black. Thus, we use the term Black when referring to the individuals’ own pheno- menological view ofthe make-up of their reference group. In contrast, we use the term African American to refer to those individuals of African descent who have received a significant portion of their socialization in the United States. Thus, the term African American is culturally bound to a group of people within the context of Ameri- can society.
Although some researchers have argued against the term racial identity in favor of the term ethnic identity to describe group identity within African Americans (e.g., Smith, 1989), we believe the impor- tance of the concept of race in the experiences of African Americans makes the former term preferable.
MMRI as well as some preliminary evidence of its operationalization. Next, we discuss how both the sig- nificance of race and the meaning of race interact to influence behavior at both -the molecular and molar level. Finally, we conclude with a discussion of the contributions of the MMRI to our understanding of African American racial identity.
Brief History of Racial Identity Research
Racial identity has been one of the most heavily researched areas that focuses on the psychological ex- periences of African Americans. Since its infancy, ra- cial identity researchers have grappled with the signifi- cance and meaning of the construct (Cross, 1991). Much of the early research viewed African American racial identity within the context of this group’s stigma- tized status in American society, with little regard for the role of culture (Clark & Clark, 1939; R. Horowitz, 1939). Gaines and Reed (1994, 1995) refer to this research tradition as the mainstream approach. This approach primarily has focused on the universal aspects ofgroup identity, using African Americans as a specific example. In the late 1960s another group of psycholo- gists, primarily African Americans, began to redefine African American racial identity with particular empha- sis on the uniqueness of their oppression and cultural experiences. This research constitutes what Gaines and Reed (1994, 1995) refer to as the underground perspec-
3tive. Although the mainstream approach owes its roots to the work of Gordon Allport (1954), the underground approach has a lineage that dates back to the pioneering work of W. E. B. DuBois (1903).
Initially, Gaines and Reed (1994, 1995) distin- guished between the mainstream and underground ap- proaches in their analysis of the research literature on prejudice. In their analysis, these investigators sug- gested that the mainstream approach is concerned pri- marily with examining universal cognitive and affec- tive processes (biases and errors) to explain how and why individuals (regardless of race) exhibit prejudicial behavior. This approach suggests that any group can act in a prejudicial manner or display in-group bias. In contrast, the underground (or Afrocentric) approach emphasizes the historical and cultural factors associated
Gaines and Reed (1994, 1995) use the term underground to reflect the fact that the research from this approach has traditionally received relatively little recognition from the broader psychological community. Like Gaines and Reed, we do not wish to convey secretiveness or subversive activity when we use the term under- ground. The researchers within this approach have held a continuing public discourse regarding their work that has been presented and published in sources that are available to everyone. The applicability of the term underground comes from the unfortunate reality that the scholarship has been virtually ignored by mainstream psychology.
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with African Americans’ experiences in the United States. Prejudice is seen as more than an error or bias in cognitive processing with an associated affective re- sponse. The underground approach views racial preju- dice as a by-product of America’s history of slavery and exploitation. Racial prejudice is viewed within the con- text of the White society’s need to resolve the disso- nance between the high moral ideas that embody being an American and America’s immoral treatment of Af- rican Americans. In actuality, much of Gaines and Reed’s (1994, 1995) discussion of prejudice focuses on the differences in Allport and DuBois’s conceptualiza- tion of the identity development of African Americans in the face of prejudice.
Mainstream Approach to African American Racial Identity
Allport (1954) maintained that living in a racist environment must have negative consequences for the African American psyche. As a result, he assumed that African Americans were forced to either devalue as- pects of themselves that reminded them of the stigma of being African American, or devalue the broader society for its prejudice against them, in order to func- tion. This notion of an unhealthy, stigmatized identity was consistent with the predominant conceptualiza- tions of the African American self-concept prior to the late 1960s (Clark, 1965; R. Horowitz, 1939; Kardiner & Ovesey, 1951). Subsequently, much of the early research on African American racial identity from the mainstream perspective presumed that self-hatred was a significant aspect of the African American self-con- cept (Cross, 1991).
As the mainstream approach has matured, much of the focus has been on understanding the cognitive proc- esses and structures of different group (or social) iden- tities within the self-concept (e.g., Cheek & Briggs, 1982; Gurin & Markus, 1988; Hogg, 1992; Markus, 1977; Oakes, Haslam, & Turner, 1994; J. C. Turner & Oakes, 1989) while ignoring the unique experiences of each group. For mainstream researchers, racial identity within African Americans is simply one example of these processes. The focus has been on assessing the common psychological structures associated with group identities of different racial/ethnic groups. Based on this focus, mainstream researchers tend to employ measures of group identity that are applicable to mem- bers of a variety of groups (e.g., Luhtanen & Crocker, 1992; Phinney, 1992). For example, Luhtanen and Crocker (1992) developed a collective self-esteem scale that measures individuals’ attitudes and feelings about a group with which they strongly identify. The refer- ence group individuals choose may be based on race, gender, ethnicity, region, occupation, or something else. Presumably, persons’ responses to a particular
group are comparable to the responses of another group they may select or even to other persons’ responses to different groups. Phinney’s (1990, 1992) measure of ethnic identity emphasizes a universal process that is associated with individuals’ development of an ethnic identity. Phinney de-emphasizes the unique history and experiences associated which each ethnic group in fa- vor of promoting a generic model that emphasizes the similarities across ethnic groups so that comparisons can be made across them.
The mainstream approach to racial/ethnic identity has tended to focus on the significance of race or ethnicity in individual lives. For instance, both Phinney (1992) and Crocker (Crocker & Luhtanen, 1990) have a concept in their model that deals with the importance individuals place on their racial/ethnic group member- ship. Crocker and her colleagues address this dimension of racial identity with their membership subscale in the Collective Self-Esteem measure (Luhtanen & Crocker, 1992). Phinney also measures a similar construct in her Multi-Group Ethnic Identity measure (Phinney, 1992). To their credit, Crocker and her colleagues distinguish between the significance of race to an individual’s self-concept and the affective and evaluative feelings that the individual holds for his or her racial/ethnic group by delineating a separate construct that they call private self-esteem. Cross (1991) notes the historical importance of making such a distinction in investigat- ing racial identity and self-esteem in African Americans as some of our recent research on the relationship between racial identity and self-esteem suggests (Rowley, Sellers, Chavous, & Smith, in press).
In its focus on universal properties and its emphasis on the significance of a group identity to an individual, the mainstream approach also has produced a great deal of research describing contexts in which a particular group identity is most likely to be salient (e.g., Abrams, Thomas, & Hoggs, 1990; Cota & Dion, 1986; Kite, 1992; McGuire & McGuire, 1982; J. C. Turner, Oakes, Haslam, & McGarty, 1994). Research in self-categori- zation and social identity suggests that the social con- text of a particular situation can make various aspects of an individual’s identity more or less accessible to them (e.g., Abrams et al., 1990; Cota & Dion, 1986; Kite, 1992; McGuire, McGuire, Child, & Fujioka, 1978). Distinctiveness theory (McGuire et al., 1978) states that when one is confronted by a complex stimu- lus, one notices a given characteristic of the stimulus to the extent that it is distinctive in the usual environment. In other words, McGuire and colleagues have consis- tently found distinctiveness to be relevant in relation to ethnicity and gender, as well as to a host of other factors such as age, birthplace, weight, hair color, and eye color (Kite, 1992; McGuire et al., 1978; McGuire, McGuire, & Winton, 1979; McGuire & Padawer-Singer, 1976).
The mainstream approach also has provided sub- stantial evidence that making a group identity salient
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has consequences for the way in which individuals will perceive persons who are outside of their group (e.g., Crocker & Luhtanen, 1990; Crocker & Major, 1989; Crocker & Swartz, 1985; Jackson & Sullivan, 1987; McCall & Simmons, 1978). When the context is ma- nipulated to make group membership salient, individu- als are likely to evaluate fellow members of their group more favorably than individuals outside their group. They are also likely to devalue members of the out- group. Membership in a stigmatized group also influ- ences the way individuals interpret negative feedback (Crocker & Major, 1989). Members of a stigmatized group are more likely to attribute negative feedback to prejudice than others in situations in which such an attribution is reasonable. Such external attributions seem to serve a protective function for the self-esteem (Crocker & Major, 1989).
As a whole, the mainstream approach has produced a significant body of research delineating the underly- ing structure of identity for different groups. However, in producing this important information, this approach has, until recently, placed very little attention on the qualitative meanings associated with particular ethnic and racial identity. As a result, the mainstream ap- proach has provided a view of African American racial identity that has emphasized the stigma associated with having African features in this society. In some in- stances, mainstream researchers have acknowledged the protective qualities associated with African Ameri- can racial identity (e.g., Crocker & Major, 1989), but even this acknowledgment is based on a view of Afri- can American racial identity that focuses on the stigma attached to the identity, as opposed to the experiential properties associated with the unique historical and cultural influences associated with the African Ameri- can experience.
Underground Approach to African American Racial Identity
In contrast to Allport, DuBois (1903) did not view the African American self-concept as necessarily being damaged. Although he felt that the racial oppression African Americans faced played a significant role in the development of their self-concepts, he also recognized that there were cultural influences that had a direct positive influence on African American ego develop- ment. Thus, DuBois recognized that African Americans could forge a healthy, strong self-concept even with the stigma of being devalued by the larger society. From these theoretical roots, the underground approach to racial identity developed. As noted earlier, some main- stream research has recognized that racism has not resulted in systematic self-hatred in African Americans (e.g., Crocker & Major, 1989); however, there is a clear difference between the two approaches in the emphasis
that is placed on the role that history and culture play in the qualitative and experiential meaning associated with being Black.
The underground perspective emphasizes the speci- ficity ofAfrican American racial identity. The focus has been on providing a description of what it means to be Black. In other words, the underground approach has provided identity profiles regarding individuals’ atti- tudes and beliefs associated with their membership in the Black race. These profiles may differ as a function of identity development (Cross, 1971, 1991; Milliones, 1976; Parham, 1989) or exposure to a nurturing so- ciocultural environment (Baldwin, 1984; Kambon, 1992). Nonetheless, an optimal set of beliefs and atti- tudes regarding one’s race are either implicitly or ex- plicitly stated. Researchers differ in their criteria for determining what constitutes an optimal identity. This criteria ranges from an ability to survive in a racist environment (Parham, 1989) to a biogenetically prede- termined state of identity (Baldwin, 1984; Kambon, 1992).
DuBois (1903) eloquently articulated the double consciousness that resulted from the inherent struggle of being both a “Negro” and an American. Because of the inherent conflict between America’s overwhelm- ingly negative view of the Negro and the Negro’s own view of him or herself, the essential task of healthy ego development in African Americans becomes the rec- onciliation of the discrepancy between his or her Afri- can self and his or her American self. Not surprisingly, the tension between the individual’s “blackness” and the broader White society plays a central role in the way theorists from the underground perspective at- tempt to define the meaning of being Black. However, there is great variability in the way that this tension is conceptualized in definitions of what it means to be Black. Some theorists view identification with one’s blackness and identification with the broader White society as being two separate endpoints on a single continuum (e.g., Baldwin, 1984). Others view them as two separate dimensions on which individuals fall (e.g., Boykin, 1983). Still others conceptualize excep- tionally strong identification with all things Black as being an important step within the process of develop- ing an integrated identity (e.g., Cross, 1991). Theorists from the underground approach also recognize that the meaning of being Black is not only influenced by experiences of racism, but also incorporates cultural experiences from African Americans’ historical and contemporary experiences in America and Africa (e.g., Azibo, 1989; Baldwin, 1980, 1984; Cross, 1971,1991; Kambon, 1992; Milliones, 1976; Smith, 1991; J. L. White & Parham, 1990). As a result, many Afrocentric theorists consider it to be inappropriate to use models based on the experiences of other ethnic groups to explain the experiences of African Americans (Akbar, 1984; Azibo, 1991; Baldwin, 1984).
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Perhaps the most widely used model of African American racial identity within the underground per- spective is Cross’s model of Nigrescence (Cross, 1971, 1991). The Nigrescence model describes five stages of racial identity development that African Americans experience as they develop a psychologically healthy Black identity (Cross, 1971, 1991; Helms, 1990; Parham, 1989). Although the model has been adapted to investigate the group identities of members of other groups, the Nigrescence model was originally proposed to describe the unique cultural and structural experi- ences associated with becoming Black in the United States (Cross, 197 1). Recently, Cross (1991) revised the model and broadened each stage to include more di- verse experiences. Briefly, in the first stage, preencoun- ter, individuals do not believe that race is an important component of their identity. This may include an ide- alization of the dominant White society or simple place- ment of more emphasis on another identity component such as gender or religion. Individuals in the second stage, encounter, are faced with a profound experience or a collection of events directly linked to their race. This experience encourages individuals to reexamine their current identity and find or further develop their Black identity. This experience can be either positive or negative (Cross, 1991). The third stage, immer- sion/emersion, is described as being extremely pro- Black and antiwhite. Externally, individuals are ob- sessed with identifying with Black culture, but internally they have not made the commitment to en- dorse all values and traditions associated with being Black. The fourth stage, internalization, is charac- terized by having a feeling of inner security and satis- faction about being Black. Moreover, individuals at this stage tend to have a less idealized view regarding the meaning of race. They are able to see both the positive and negative elements of being Black or White. Inter- nalization-commitment, the final stage, represents those individuals who translate their internalized identities into action.
Parham and Helms (1981) developed the Racial Identity Attitudes Scale (RIAS) to operationalize the Nigrescence model. The RIAS measures attitudes that are representative of attitudes individuals are likely to hold toward the self, Blacks, and Whites as they trans- verse through the four stages. Attitudes are predicted to change from antiblack or low race salience (preencoun- ter); to attitude flux (encounter); to pro-Black with reference to antiwhite attitudes (immersion-emersion); to pro-Black without reference to White attitudes. The latest version of the RIAS is a 50-item scale in which respondents use a 5-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree) to indicate the extent to which each item represents their attitudes (Helms & Parham, 1990). There has been some concern regarding the reliability of the subscales (Ponterotto & Wise, 1987), and some authors have
questioned whether the use of an attitude scale is able to capture the complexity of African American racial identity (Akbar, 1989).

February 21, 2018

READING & RESEARCH PSYCHOLOGY CLASS

READING & RESEARCH PSYCHOLOGY CLASS)
For this assignment, you will provide a summary of the three articles that you have been assigned on this topic. Additionally, you will provide a 4th summary of an article on the topic that you locate in the scholarly psychology literature. This article must have been published in the last 5 years. The summaries will be provided in the attached template.
You will locate one article in the scholarly psychology literature on the topic from the last 5 years. This article should be found in PsychInfo or PsychArticles database. You must submit a PDF copy of the article with your completed template (Microsoft Word document required for template).
Please review the grading rubric for this assignment. Please note you will not be eligible for 20/50 points if the PDF copy of the article that you located is not submitted.
The template includes a very good example of a summary written by a student. I have also uploaded a PDF of the article summarized so you can see the relationship between article and summary.
Articles MUST BE peer-reviewed and empirical. The article your locate may not been any of the articles from the course reading list.
MY 3 ARTICLES:
Chambers, J. W., Kambon, K., Birdsong, B. D., Brown, J., Dixon, P., & Robbins-Brinson, L. (1998). Africentric cultural identity and the stress experience of African American college students. Journal of Black Psychology, 24(3), 368-396. doi: 10.1177/00957984980243007
Parham, T. A., & Helms, J. E. (1985). Relation of racial identity attitudes to self-actualization and affective states of Black students. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 32(3), 431-440.
Sellers, R. M., Smith, M. A., Shelton, J. N., Rowley, S. J., & Chavous, T. M. (1998). Multidimensional model of racial identity: A reconceptualization of African American racial identity. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 2(1), 18-39.